伊朗女性的诉求——自由生活【英语学习】

信达

文章指出，伊朗女性真正的诉求是恢复1979年革命前的自由生活，包括受教育、就业与自主选择权。革命后政权长期压制女性权利，她们持续以各种方式反抗。作者批评西方舆论忽视其真实声音，强调应关注伊朗女性对基本尊严与正常生活的渴望。

Iranian women just want their pre-1979 lives back

伊朗女性只想回到1979年以前的生活

By Roya Rastegar

作者：罗亚·拉斯泰加尔

Published March 20, 2026

College students seen studying on the campus of Tehran University.德黑兰大学校园内，大学生们正在学习（1979前旧照）

Iranian women have driven resistance against the Islamic Republic for decades — but amid Operation Epic Fury’s airstrikes, their voices are disappearing.

几十年来，伊朗妇女一直在反抗伊斯兰共和国——但在 “史诗狂怒行动”的空袭中，她们的声音正在消失。

To understand this moment, you must understand what was lost.

要理解这一刻，你必须明白失去了什么。

Iran under Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi granted women the right to vote in 1963 — eight years before Switzerland did — and elected six women to parliament that same year.

伊朗在穆罕默德·礼萨·巴列维国王的统治下，于 1963 年赋予妇女投票权——比瑞士早八年——并在同年选举了六名妇女进入议会。

In the late 1960s, women entered the diplomatic corps, the judiciary and the police force, working as lawyers, doctors, pilots and politicians; universities were full of them.

20 世纪 60 年代末，女性进入外交部门、司法部门和警察部门，从事律师、医生、飞行员和政治家等工作；大学里到处都是她们。

Then 1979 happened. 然后，1979年发生了那件事。

Within weeks of the Islamic Republic’s declaration, female judges were dismissed, the minimum marriage age for girls dropped to 9 and the hijab became mandatory for every woman in Iran, including non-Muslims, punishable by imprisonment and flogging.

在伊斯兰共和国宣布这一决定后的几周内，女法官被解雇，女孩的最低结婚年龄降至 9 岁，伊朗所有女性（包括非穆斯林女性）都必须佩戴头巾，违者将被处以监禁和鞭刑。

On March 8, 1979 — International Women’s Day — more than 100,000 Iranian women poured into the streets of Tehran to protest. They were loud, and they were right.

1979年3月8日——国际妇女节——超过10万名伊朗妇女涌上德黑兰街头进行抗议。她们的声音响亮，而且她们是对的。

The regime ignored them, then silenced them, then built an entire legal architecture of gender apartheid around their bodies.

该政权无视他们， 然后让他们噤声 ，然后围绕他们的身体建立了一整套性别隔离的法律体系。

This is not ancient history.

这并非遥远的历史。

A modern, educated, increasingly equitable Iran existed within living memory.

在人们的记忆中，曾存在过一个现代化、受过良好教育、日益公平的伊朗。

The Islamic Republic took it. And Iranian women have been fighting to restore it ever since.

伊斯兰共和国夺取了它。此后，伊朗妇女一直在为恢复它而奋斗。

In 2022, Jin, Jiyan, Azadi — Woman, Life, Freedom — became the moral spine of Iran’s modern uprising.

2022 年， “金、吉扬、阿扎迪 ”（女人、生命、自由）成为伊朗现代起义的道德支柱。

When 22-year-old Mahsa Jina Amini was beaten to death by morality police for “improper” hijab, the country ignited.

22 岁的玛莎·吉娜·阿米尼因佩戴“不合规矩”的头巾而被道德警察殴打致死， 举国上下为之震惊 。

玛莎·吉娜·阿米尼之死引发的抗议

Girls burned veils in the streets as protests spread to over 285 cities.

抗议活动蔓延至超过 285 个城市，女孩们在街头焚烧面纱。

Across every ethnic, class and generational line, Iranians united to demand the end of the Islamic Republic’s stranglehold on their lives.

伊朗人民跨越种族、阶级和年龄界限，团结起来，要求结束伊斯兰共和国对他们生活的扼杀。

The regime’s answer was methodical and brutal: Thousands were killed.

该政权的回应是冷静而残酷的：数千人被杀害。

Women were deliberately shot in their faces, breasts and genitals — a consistent pattern of targeted punishment.

女性的脸部、胸部和生殖器遭到蓄意枪击——这是一种有针对性的惩罚模式。

All the girls maimed and murdered in so-called honor killings, all the girls arrested, coerced, raped or tortured in prison; this violence is not episodic.

所有在所谓的“荣誉谋杀”中被致残或杀害的女孩，所有在监狱中被逮捕、胁迫、强奸或酷刑折磨的女孩；这种暴力并非偶发事件。

It is written into the law. It shapes daily life.

它已写入法律。它影响着日常生活。

And it has continued for 46 years.

而且这种情况已经持续了46年。

Yet not until a US airstrike this month killed 165 children, mostly girls, at a school built on a naval base in Minab, did Western feminists suddenly erupt.

然而，直到本月美国空袭导致米纳布海军基地一所学校的 165 名儿童（其中大部分是女孩）丧生后 ，西方女权主义者才突然爆发。

Those children’s deaths were a terrible tragedy.

那些孩子的死是一场可怕的悲剧。

But it’s not feminist to speak loudly about girls killed by American bombs after falling silent about girls shot in the face by Basijis or sold into marriage as children.

但是，对被巴斯基民兵枪击面部或幼年时被卖为妻的女孩保持沉默，却对被美国炸弹炸死的女孩大声疾呼，这并非女权主义。

That’s politics wearing the mask of compassion.

这是披着同情外衣的政治。

The lives of Iranian girls cannot be worth more or less depending on who does the killing.

伊朗女孩的生命价值不应该因为是谁杀人而高低贵贱。

Inside Iran right now, women are living through overlapping terrors.

目前在伊朗，女性正生活在多重恐怖之中。

My sources there, a network of independent journalists and activists, communicate with me sporadically — despite the regime’s deliberate Internet blackout — via brief, fragmented bursts through unstable VPN connections.

我在那里的消息来源是一个由独立记者和活动人士组成的网络，尽管该政权蓄意切断了互联网，但他们仍然通过不稳定的 VPN 连接，以短暂、零碎的方式与我保持联系。

A female teacher in Tehran described the daily weight of an economic collapse so severe that a handful of grocery items costs the equivalent of $70.

德黑兰的一位女教师描述了经济崩溃带来的日常压力，经济崩溃的严重程度导致几件食品杂货的价格就相当于 70 美元。

The poor face something she could only call catastrophe.

穷人面临着她只能称之为灾难的境况。

She described waking in the night not knowing if the sound was a bomb or a Basij raid, knowing that without air-raid sirens her only warning is the sound of fighter jets.

她描述了自己半夜醒来，不知道听到的声音是炸弹爆炸还是巴斯基民兵的空袭，因为她知道，在没有空袭警报的情况下，她唯一的预警就是战斗机的轰鸣声。

Women’s views on the airstrikes and foreign intervention are not monolithic, and that complexity deserves to be heard without distortion or political co-option.

女性对空袭和外国干预的看法并不统一，这种复杂性应该被倾听，而不应被歪曲或政治收买。

Some women inside Tehran describe a grim, exhausted pragmatism: a sense that 80% of the people around them see no internal path to change and have accepted, however painfully, that outside pressure may now be the only force capable of breaking the regime’s grip.

德黑兰的一些女性描述了一种严峻、疲惫的务实主义：她们觉得周围 80% 的人看不到内部变革的途径，并且已经接受了（尽管很痛苦）外部压力可能是现在唯一能够打破政权控制的力量。

One woman described wishing that President Donald Trump would stick to his campaign pledge and remove the Islamic Republic — not because she loves war, but because she loves Tehran too much to see it die slowly.

一位女士表示，她希望唐纳德·特朗普总统能够信守竞选承诺，推翻伊斯兰共和国——不是因为她喜欢战争，而是因为她太爱德黑兰了，不忍心看到它慢慢消亡。

But other women firmly reject the airstrikes, and not in defense of the regime.

但其他一些女性坚决反对空袭，而且她们反对空袭并非为了维护政权。

A Tehran journalist described being shattered by morning strikes, her city smelling of gunpowder, a close friend suffering a mental breakdown from the sound of explosions.

一位德黑兰记者描述了她如何被清晨的罢工所震撼，她的城市弥漫着火药味，一位亲密的朋友因爆炸声而精神崩溃。

Her message to those cheering from abroad: Come here, live this, experience what devastation means for real bodies and real minds.

她向海外欢呼的人们传达了一个信息：来到这里，亲身感受一下，体验一下真正的身体和心灵遭受毁灭性打击意味着什么。

Another woman described watching Israelis on television run to bomb shelters, warned by sirens, people holding each other — and feeling crushing bitterness.

另一位女性描述了她在电视上看到以色列人奔向防空洞，警报声响起，人们互相拥抱——她感到无比痛苦和愤恨。

“We have no shelters,” she said. “We have no sirens. We have a regime that is not ours, one that only threatens us.

“我们没有避难所，”她说。“我们没有警报器。我们生活在一个不属于我们的政权之下，一个只会威胁我们的政权。”

“The Iranian people are very alone. This much humiliation would melt stone.”

“伊朗人民感到非常孤立无援。这种程度的羞辱足以融化石头。”

That has been the story since 1979.

自 1979 年以来，情况一直如此。

It was the story in 2022, when Western feminist institutions largely failed to match the courage of the women burning their hijabs in Tehran’s streets.

这是 2022 年的故事，当时西方女权主义机构在很大程度上未能与在德黑兰街头焚烧头巾的女性的勇气相匹配。

It is the story of late February 2026, when viral posts on X reduced Iran’s freedom movement to a mocking pornography punchline — women “finally being able to do OnlyFans” — a joke that reproduces the exact logic of the Basijis, who called protesters whores before opening fire.

这是 2026 年 2 月下旬的故事，当时 X 上的病毒式帖子将伊朗的自由运动贬低为一个嘲讽的色情笑话——女性“终于可以做 OnlyFans 了”——这个笑话完全复刻了巴斯基民兵的逻辑，他们在开枪之前称抗议者为妓女。

It’s the same dehumanization wearing different clothes.

这是换汤不换药的非人化。

Women who marched in 1979 knew what they were losing and said so loudly.

1979 年参加游行的妇女们知道她们正在失去什么，她们大声疾呼。

Women who are inside Tehran right now, jolting awake to the sound of explosions, smuggling testimonies through Starlink, watching their families threatened and their wrestlers executed — they know exactly what they are living, and what they want.

此刻身处德黑兰的女性，被爆炸声惊醒，通过星链偷运证词，眼睁睁看着家人受到威胁，摔跤运动员被处决——她们清楚地知道自己正在经历什么，以及自己想要什么。

They want what Iran had before the Islamic Republic took it.

他们想要的是伊朗在伊斯兰共和国占领之前所拥有的东西。

They want, as one female teacher put it with devastating precision: life.

正如一位女教师一针见血地指出，她们想要的是： 生活。

The world should finally start listening to them.

世界终于应该开始倾听他们的声音了。

Roya Rastegar, a first-generation Iranian America, is co-founder of the Iranian Diaspora Collective, a pro-democracy organization amplifying the voices of people inside Iran.

罗亚·拉斯特加尔是第一代伊朗裔美国人，她是伊朗侨民联盟的联合创始人，该联盟是一个支持民主的组织，旨在扩大伊朗境内人民的声音。